3. Equal Epistemic Standing and the Attitudes-vs.-Advocacy DistinctionCopy Anchor Link

Figure 5: Equal epistemic standing balances theoretical critique with experimental policy action.

1. Neither prince nor pauper has higher providence. The affirmative does not defend the mindsets of policymakers, since both we and the critic are just as likely to call to change those mindsets; if policymakers ignore then the solvency deficit applies to both. It is a false distinction to say there needs to be more thinking to understand reality before taking action, as we expand thinking through experimental action, and rethinking is how we verify. These framing cards can be reasons to distrust some authors, but one still has to answer the facts of the harms: “What matters more is what there is, not how we can know it, since we clearly do know things, and the 'how' of this knowledge will necessarily vary with the many different kinds of questions” (Wendt, 2000). As Ferguson (2002) observes, “although there may be no such thing as 'absolute truth', there is often a sufficient amount of intersubjective consensus to make for a useful conversation” that “may not lead to proofs that satisfy philosophical nit-pickers, but it can be educational.” Otherwise we teach a dangerous habit: that whenever you hear a religious or military figure announcing disaster relief, you should form a prejudice and reject it until they rethink everything. Instead, critical theorists want their readers to reconceptualize the discourse as needed and help. This is a link of omission due to those ethical mindsets not being in the affirmative's speech. Problematic discourse is simply the attitudes prevalent in pluralist society that we engage in order to learn to persuade those who hold them. If one shifts those attitudes, the advocacy can work in either system. Just as debaters say they do not endorse the gendered language their authors may use, we also do not endorse all the thought systems that exist. They claim the affirmative must "defend their assumptions**"** as an excuse to strawperson us and to preach to the choir of their favorite critique, contrived as if preclusive.

   2. A critique does one of two jobs, and it must pick. Even if they win we must take their critical theory as the starting point, the case articles suggest the judge should presume the ending point would still be the plan. Critics cannot be evaluated as a gateway because then any case argument could do that, like rethink your advocacy though the starting point of “economy does not have war or security impacts.” Even if the affirmative “uses” U.S. society or a capitalist mindset which has other flaws, readers would see past imperfect mindsets to support based on factual prediction. Affirmatives don't have to defend that mindset in other instances, and the only way to convince society to solve other instances is detailed research for all mindsets. Their framework is self-defeating because we'd never get to debate a solution to overcome those other flaws, since they'd just make us defend societal mindsets again instead. All they need to win is a risk that their critic could help, yet it is only defense to say modern systems work well enough. Giving us some other school of thought is like an add-on perspective to appeal to. Calling it a wrong starting point is misleading as it really means to adopt another mindset, which does not preclude supporting the advocacy but simply allows the judge to project it onto society by promoting it in more rounds. Reading as credibility reduction is enough to educate, but claiming credit for making more-perfect an advocacy through the rethinking of this philosophical starting point is teaching one to be a politician who takes credit for another' s proposal as part of one's own broader agenda. Epistemic priority must be earned through in-round argument, not assumed from a critic's posturing as accounting for all similar arguments — "we must ask on what grounds we can decide that one category of person has superior insight into reality" (Foster et al., 1996, p. 187). The Declaration of Independence's claim that all men are created equal came at a time when social status determined whose testimony was believed. Neither prince nor pauper possess higher providence. A critic is postured to have a deeper claim that "accounts for" the specific facts of the policy advocate due to a general critic of their flawed system. Critics use complex intellectual phrases to fool one into thinking they are deeper and reject mainstream media discourse. Affirmatives can ask critic teams to define a complex phrase that they used and if they cannot explain then reject them for sophistry. Sophistry leads to media-manipulation without self-awareness and violates our purpose.

   3. Another tactic is to tap into distrust for bureaucrats while promising overthrow to a whole new system. Critics bait judges to amorally ignore cases using common truisms like “our theory solves the root cause,” “policymakers should learn ethics first” and “fiat is not real.” Overpowering critics to reject a team's speech incentivizes finding obscure discursive flaws to avoid discussing social change, contrary to a critical theorist's intent. Arendt (1963) famously wrote, "The most radical revolutionary will become a conservative the day after the revolution." Debaters have fallen for this fallacy too long. The critique is a gateway argument claiming that debating minor issues ignores a flawed assumption that outweighs and precedes everything else we could learn in this round. The affirmative need only to show that the alternative has not established why the advocated proposal is undesirable to critique followers, who would not want to be blamed for delaying the best plan for survival in an emergency. This is necessary to offset the negative's side bias and time skew in the middle-game, where the negative extends the least-answered of many off-case positions, allowing esoteric criticisms to escape truth-testing if restated in simple terms. The judge may vote negative upon showing sufficient dissuasive costs of supporting the advocated thesis outweigh its intrinsic benefits. The critic frames the debate as whose mindset the judge should project onto society as the only impact, miseducating in how current issues are evaluated with distrust of government. The critic twists debate into a best-speech and affirms a new thesis. The alternative mindset would either agree with the plan or find flaws and better solutions, either way the critique wins if either the pro- or con- side wins. Critics would always win that mindsets of the status quo could be better. In the end, all speeches are just sentences, so we should not draw two circles of sentences two pick from as if people who think by the critique sentences preclude agreement that the case sentences support the best plan for survival. It distorts real world comparison by acting as if projecting a mindset is an opportunity of a proposal or by comparing impacts on a specific issue vs a general value.